The more Danes repeat statements such as “the Faroe Islands are part of Denmark,” “the Faroe Islands are Danish,” or “the Faroe Islands are a region of Denmark” – and the more often Faroese people hear other foreigners say the same – the more resistance it appears to provoke among most Faroese people, because Faroese people have never felt that Denmark and the Faroe Islands are the same “country.” Faroese people feel that it is completely wrong to describe it that way.
Denmark is seen by Faroese people as another country – admittedly rather like a friendly cousin – but Denmark is still not the Faroese people’s true “home country.” Denmark has a completely different culture and mentality from the Faroese one, as well as a very different language. Denmark is therefore still considered “abroad” by Faroese people, like Norway, Sweden, or Iceland, despite the fact that the Faroe Islands are part of a Realm Community with Denmark and Greenland. Faroese people living in the Faroe Islands would never call themselves “Danes” – not even those who vote for the Union Party and support the current arrangement within the Realm Community.
Even after living in Denmark for 25 years of my life, I have personally never honestly been able to call myself “Danish.” Although I gradually learned to function on equal terms with Danes and became well integrated into Danish society, I came to realise that the longer I spent in Denmark, the more my distinct identity as a non-Dane remained intact. In my heart, I was – and still am – Faroese.
Faroese people have always been, are, and will remain Faroese in their hearts, regardless of whether they are regarded as “Danish” on paper. Therefore, I believe it is only a matter of time before most Faroese people also choose to be Faroese on paper. It seems almost inevitable, because the current situation is untenable – in other words, unsustainable. The two national identities are simply too different.
Not an Expression of Dislike or Hatred of Denmark
Do not misunderstand me. As a Faroese person, I have absolutely nothing against Denmark, and I do not in any way reject Danes as a people. I fully acknowledge that there are many close and historic ties between the Faroe Islands and Denmark. Like most Faroese people, I care deeply about Denmark and Danes and certainly feel related to them. I am a great admirer of Danish culture and mentality and sometimes actually wish that we resembled one another more than we do.
However, this does not change the fact that Faroese people simply are not – and cannot fully feel like – Danes. Most Faroese people have a deep longing to be able to call themselves Faroese, rather than Danish, on the international stage. This is especially true in international sport and many other international arenas, where Faroese people are currently forced to accept being seen as Danes, even though deep down they feel that they represent their own country, the Faroe Islands, far more.
The great majority of Faroese people want the Faroe Islands to be recognised as an independent state internationally, because they long to be seen as “themselves” – independent from Denmark. A very large part of the Faroese population wants the Faroe Islands to be able to manage on their own as an independent country, while of course engaging in international cooperation, as all other independent countries do. Negotiations should simply take place on Faroese terms, not Danish terms, because Faroese interests are not always the same as Danish interests.
So again, it is probably only a matter of time before the Faroese find some path towards making sure they are being seen as their own country internationally. The question that must now be addressed is how the establishment of an independent Faroese state should take place in practice during a transitional period, in which the Faroe Islands move from their current status to becoming an independent state – including the extent to which the Faroe Islands, as an independent state, could still be part of some form of more equal Realm Community with Denmark and Greenland.
Secession in Practice
Establishing a Faroese state and separating the Faroe Islands further from Denmark is, of course, not without challenges. It is one thing finally to take Faroese national identity into account, which would be a great relief for many people. It is quite another to find solutions to the more or less practical issues that would arise from secession. One reason why secession has not already taken place is precisely that people disagree about how these practical matters should be resolved.
For example, many Faroese people believe that they benefit from Danish citizenship and a Danish passport, which grant them rights in the EU. Although the Faroe Islands are not members of the EU, Faroese people can still benefit through Denmark’s EU membership – such as access to freedom of movement as citizens within, the EU. This is an advantage that many would prefer not to lose. Many are uncertain about what would happen to the many Faroese people who, for example, work in the Danish merchant navy – what would happen to their rights? What about Faroese access to education in Denmark? What about access to the Danish healthcare system? What about the police and the judiciary, which Denmark finances in addition to the block grant? How should all of this be dealt with following a possible secession?
There is also the question of how to approach the defence of an independent Faroese state in a world that appears increasingly marked by international tensions. As geopolitical tensions around the world continue to increase, the importance of the Faroe Islands’ strategic location in the GIUK Gap increases accordingly. There is no doubt that if the Faroe Islands were to separate from Denmark, this would be followed with great interest by the great powers. There is also no doubt that the Faroe Islands themselves would be most interested in alliances with countries in the Western world, and that NATO membership would be the most obvious option. However, if the Faroe Islands were to obtain independent NATO membership, this would mean that they would have to pay five per cent of the country’s GDP as an annual membership fee. Could the country afford that? It would amount to DKK 1.4 billion per year, which would be a very large burden on a relatively small and vulnerable economy – unless the Faroe Islands could negotiate some form of special arrangement due precisely to their important strategic location. But nothing comes free…
Foreign Policy in Faroese Hands
Secession would, at any rate, open the possibility for Faroese people themselves to influence and choose whom they wish to join in partnership with and how they wish to cooperate with others in the future – for example with Denmark and/or the other Nordic countries. Faroese people could decide for themselves whether they wish to participate in the EU’s economic cooperation. They could choose, for example, to develop ties with Scotland and/or the United Kingdom and, more generally, decide for themselves which foreign-policy direction the Faroe Islands should pursue together with their partners.
Supporters of the Realm Community often argue that separation from Denmark would isolate the Faroe Islands – as if Denmark were the Faroe Islands’ and Greenland’s only gateway to connections with the outside world. However, supporters of secession believe this turns matters upside down. While the Faroe Islands and Greenland do derive certain benefits from their connection with Denmark, it is in fact the Faroe Islands and Greenland that are the reason for Denmark’s weight and importance in international politics. It is the Faroe Islands and Greenland that make the small country of Denmark a central player, for example in the geopolitical contest over the Arctic, which is currently a major topic in international politics.
More and more people are arguing that the Realm Community should be reorganised. Even among supporters of the Realm Community, there are advocates of modernising and restructuring it, believing that the three countries – Denmark, the Faroe Islands, and Greenland – should enter into a more equal partnership because it is inevitable that the Faroe Islands and Greenland will become increasingly self-governing in the future. In any case, it can be observed that the Faroe Islands have now become so self-governing that full independence is not far away, as necessary steps are taken every day that bring the Faroese people closer to full independence.
The Faroe Islands and the EU
“No one is sufficient unto themselves,” former Danish Prime Minister and current Foreign Minister Lars Løkke Rasmussen once said. No country can manage entirely on its own without entering into international cooperation. This is of enormous importance, especially for small countries with a very limited population. If – or when – the Faroe Islands separate from Denmark, the pressing question will therefore be which international partnerships the Faroe Islands will enter into. In terms of defence, NATO is obviously the most likely option. But what about trade? Should the Faroe Islands, for example, seek membership of the EU, which would probably be the most obvious option for gaining better access to the enormous European market?
This is a highly complicated question that is difficult to answer unequivocally. There are both advantages and disadvantages to EU membership for the Faroe Islands, just as there are advantages and disadvantages to remaining in a Realm Community with Denmark.
Personally, however, I see slightly greater disadvantages in full EU membership than the benefits of achieving as much independence as possible in the long term and retaining sovereign decision-making power. I also doubt that Faroese people would wish to submit to another authority immediately after – or if – they had finally succeeded in escaping their relationship of dependency with Denmark.
Fisheries and Aquaculture
If we consider the Faroe Islands’ main industries, fisheries and aquaculture, it would be an advantage for these sectors to gain access to various EU fisheries subsidies and financing mechanisms, which they do not currently have access to and which could perhaps support modernisation and sustainability in the Faroese fishing industry.
HOWEVER, on the other hand, the Faroe Islands would lose sovereign control over their own fish stocks and exclusive economic zone, as the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy would set quotas and grant equal access to Faroese waters to fishing fleets from all other member states. This would be an existential risk, as fish and fish products account for 90–95 per cent of exports. This was one of the main reasons why the Faroe Islands did not want EU membership at the time, and I believe that Faroese people would still want to retain sovereign decision-making power in this area.
Trade
With regard to trade, it would be an advantage for the Faroe Islands to gain full, tariff-free, and barrier-free access for their fish products – which account for around 90 per cent of exports – to the entire EU internal market, without the current exemptions and limitations in the bilateral free-trade agreement.
HOWEVER, on the other hand, the Faroe Islands would have to give up their independent trade policy and would no longer be able to maintain their own bilateral fisheries and trade agreements with non-EU countries such as Norway, Iceland, the United Kingdom, and particularly Russia – a long-standing partner under a bilateral fisheries agreement dating back to 1977.
Sovereignty
With regard to sovereignty, self-determination, and representation, it might be an advantage for the Faroe Islands to have a direct voice and voting rights in the EU’s decision-making bodies, including the European Parliament, the Council, and the Commission. This would give the Faroe Islands an opportunity to help shape the rules that affect the islands, rather than merely having to comply with them as a third country.
HOWEVER, EU membership would require Faroese people to accept the primacy of EU law and the jurisdiction of the Court of Justice of the European Union. This would significantly limit Faroese control over their own policymaking and conflict with the country’s strong independence movement and ambitions for greater self-government.
Population
With regard to the population and labour force, including emigration and immigration, it would be an advantage for Faroese citizens to gain the right to live, work, and study freely in any EU member state. At the same time, the Faroe Islands could more easily attract qualified foreign labour from across the EU in order to address labour shortages in the growing economy.
HOWEVER, open borders under the EU’s freedom of movement could place considerable pressure on the Faroese housing market and public services if there were a sudden influx of large numbers of EU citizens. This could potentially create cultural, social, and economic tensions within a close-knit population of only around 55,000 people.
Financing
With regard to financing, business development, and fiscal policy, it could perhaps be an advantage for the Faroe Islands, as one of the EU’s smallest and most peripheral regions, that they would probably become eligible for substantial structural and cohesion funds, regional development support, and research funding to support infrastructure and economic diversification.
HOWEVER, is that really what Faroese people should aspire to after having just become independent of Denmark’s block grant – only to become dependent on other subsidies instead? It is also quite uncertain whether EU structural funds would fully compensate for the annual Danish block grant of approximately DKK 500–600 million that the Faroe Islands currently receive.
I doubt whether it is sensible at all to base the Faroese economy on receiving subsidies from abroad in exchange for surrendering a substantial part of the country’s sovereign decision-making power. Was that not precisely what Faroese people wanted to move away from?
Of course, every country will always have to adapt to some extent to the requirements set by other countries in order to conclude mutual trade agreements. We will have to see what Faroese people can negotiate when they make trade agreements with other countries.
Regulation
With regard to various forms of regulation and administration, EU membership would harmonise Faroese product standards, food-safety rules, and environmental provisions with those of the EU – perhaps to a greater extent than is already the case. This could potentially reduce compliance costs and administrative burdens for companies exporting to European markets.
HOWEVER, it must also be taken into account that, with only 55,000 inhabitants, the Faroe Islands would be by far the smallest EU member state. Its very small public administration could find it difficult to manage the enormous regulatory burden involved in transposing, implementing, and enforcing the entire body of EU law across all policy areas. The Faroe Islands already attempt to comply with these rules, as this is a condition for being able to export to EU countries, and experience in practice how difficult this can be.
Currency
With regard to currency and monetary policy, EU membership for the Faroe Islands would likely mean that the islands would face political and economic pressure eventually to abandon the Faroese króna, which is currently pegged to the Danish krone –and adopt the euro — even though Denmark is not in the eurozone. In doing so, the Faroe Islands would have to relinquish control of monetary policy to the European Central Bank instead. I doubt whether this would be accepted by the Faroese population.
EFTA/EEA
For the Faroe Islands, an EFTA/EEA arrangement could offer a middle path: stronger European market access and cooperation without surrendering the same degree of control over fisheries, trade policy, currency, and political sovereignty that full EU membership could entail.
HOWEVER, it would not eliminate dependence on external rules or negotiations. The central challenge would be securing reliable, favourable access for Faroese seafood to the EU market while preserving Faroese control over fishing waters and quotas.
The Nordic Council
If the Faroe Islands were a state, they would be able to obtain full membership of the Nordic Council. This would give the Faroe Islands equal representation and a direct voice in Nordic political cooperation, rather than participating through Denmark. It would strengthen Faroese influence on matters such as fisheries, climate, Arctic policy, culture, education, health, labour, and digital development.
It could also reinforce international recognition of the Faroe Islands as a distinct country and provide a stronger platform for cooperation with the other Nordic countries, particularly on issues shared by small North Atlantic societies. Faroese language and culture could gain a more prominent place in formal Nordic cooperation, while Faroese citizens could benefit from closer arrangements concerning education, work, professional qualifications, and social rights across the Nordic region.
Unlike EU membership, full participation in the Nordic Council would not require the Faroe Islands to transfer significant political sovereignty, since the Council mainly works through dialogue, recommendations, and voluntary cooperation rather than binding supranational laws.
The Monarchy
With regard to the Faroe Islands’ connection to the Danish monarchy, I believe that both the Faroe Islands and Greenland would be happy to remain part of the monarchy. Certainly, not all Faroese people agree with this, but the Danish royal family is generally very popular in both countries. Therefore, if an arrangement similar to that of Canada and Australia within the Commonwealth could be established, I believe Faroese people would welcome such an arrangement, even after separating from Denmark. Personally, I do not see any particular advantage in it, but neither do I have a strong opinion on the matter. It should be up to the Faroese people to decide.
Conclusion
The Faroe Islands’ strong national identity and increasing self-government suggest that the desire for full independence is likely to grow over time. Secession need not mean isolation or a break with Denmark; on the contrary, it could give the Faroe Islands an opportunity to choose their own international partnerships and represent their own interests. At the same time, independence requires realistic solutions to questions concerning the economy, defence, citizenship, healthcare, education, and trade.
EU membership could provide access to the large European market, support schemes, and influence, but it could also limit the sovereignty that independence is intended to secure – particularly in the area of fisheries. The Faroe Islands should therefore carefully consider how to combine political freedom with close international cooperation. Ultimately, the decisive choice should be made by the Faroese people themselves, based on what best protects their identity, economy, and long-term interests.